By B. Krishnamurti, J. P. L. Gwynn
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Extra resources for A Grammar of Modern Telugu
Note that final lowering is phonologically conditioned. That is, not all 'final' L-tones downglide - only those that are not followed by a floating H. However, there seems to be no reason to assume that final lowering is a phonological rule. That is, while the shape of the phonological string determines whether or not final lowering applies in Dschang, the rule itself appears to be not a rule of the phonology but rather a rule of the phonetic component. There are three basic reasons for this: (1) The rule is conditioned to apply before pause, (2) the rule creates a tonal contour on a short vowel - otherwise unattested in Dschang, and (3) if the rule is phonetic, this predicts, correctly I -believe, that final lowering cannot interact with any phonological rule of Dschang.
64. 2,1. 'H ¥- M Given that there is no automatic downdrift in Dschang (example 21), one might propose that the downstepped H-tone is in fact a phonological M-tone (S. C. Anderson 1980). There are a number of reasons, however, for rejecting such a proposal. For example, if a 'H is followed by a H, then the second H will be on the same pitch as the downstepped H - not a higher one. (34) a'pu S~IJ arm of bird  And if such a 'H is followed by another 'H, then we get a double downstep sequence.
Consider the following examples that illustrate a type of neutralization that occurs when nouns of the L and LH classes are followed by a noun with a H-tone associative prefix. -. dzwi bag of leopard  52 CHAPTER TWO l~s:)IJ il' dzwl tooth of leopard  apa I a 6ts5IJ bag of thief l~s:)IJ ! tj nts5IJ tooth of thief H-spread (37) will apply within the second noun N2 in all of the above cases, deriving (56a) for N2 of both the examples in (54), and deriving (5 6b) for N 2 in both of the examples in (55).
A Grammar of Modern Telugu by B. Krishnamurti, J. P. L. Gwynn