By Guglielmo Cinque
One of many world's prime syntacticians offers facts for finding Adverb words within the specifiers of detailed practical projections inside a unique and good articulated thought of the clause. during this conception, either adverbs and heads, which encode the practical notions of the clause, are ordered in a inflexible series. Cinques state-of-the-art thought means that the constitution of common language sentences is far richer than formerly assumed.
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Additional resources for Adverbs and Functional Heads: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax)
Ancora) da nessuno. 'G. ' c. Gianni manda (ancora) biglietti di auguri (*ancora) agli amici. 'G. ' (136) Gianni ha mandato i biglietti di auguri agli amici spesso in ritardo. 'G. 86 Finally, I should mention that another potential source of unexpected orders is the "parenthetical" usage of (typically "higher") adverbs, something for which I have no interesting account to propose. As shown in (137), such "higher" adverbs as purtroppo 'unfortunately', forse 'perhaps', and francamente 'frankly' are possible even after "lower" adverbs if set off by "comma intonation" from the rest:87 (137) a.
E. He will have been only beaten by John. ON THE RELATIVE ORDER OF ADVERB PHRASES f. g. h. i. 31 He will have only been beaten by John. He only will have been beaten by John, He said only that he doesn't like it. Just as with gia, we find that many more adverbs have such a use (hence certain unexpected orders). So, for example, there is evidence that most classes of "higher" AdvPs also have this use. "Higher" AdvPs in Italian, as a rule, cannot occur after a finite verb (in a sentence-final position, unless they are "de-accented"):80 (126) a.
If twice2 were also present, it would then appear either after or before the PP on the door. See (117a-b): (117) a. John knocked twice on the door intentionally twice, b. John knocked on the door twice intentionally twice. " If twice1 were also present, we would have either (118a) or (118b), according to where YP (of (116)) moves: (118) a. John twice [ knocked on the door twice ] intentionally, b. John [ knocked on the door twice ] twice intentionally. Also note that the virtual nonambiguity of (110b), with the predominance of the wide scope reading of twice (mysterious in Andrews's analysis), becomes understandable under the present analysis.
Adverbs and Functional Heads: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective (Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax) by Guglielmo Cinque